Behind the exploration entrusted by the head of state, Sergio Mattarella, to the Speaker of the Chamber, the grillino Roberto Fico, you can guess the shape of the outgoing majority: including, perhaps, the silhouettes of Giuseppe Conte and of Matteo Renzi. that is the political fence from which we try to start again, after two and a half weeks of surreal crisis. This is why the task was entrusted to Fico and not to the President of the Senate, Elisabetta Casellati, an expression of the opposition.
The attempt to form a political government, projected towards the elections for the Quirinale next year and towards the end of the legislature in 2023. It should be emphasized: the attempt. But if this is the project, and it succeeds, we must explain what happened. The protagonists will have to motivate the tear that took place on January 13, in the middle of the pandemic. And the only way to justify the stay of the same majority in Palazzo Chigi will be to change a lot, a lot in the executive: in the choice of ministers, in the approach to the crisis, in the management of European funds. Even more so if at the end of Fico’s talks the possibility of an assignment to the outgoing premier should emerge.
This is demanded by an Italy that has witnessed, bewildered, a fight detached from the dramatic reality in which it is immersed.
From this point of view, the way in which Mattarella last night put order on a crazy chessboard played both severe and alarmed, beyond the tones. He spoke about the infections, the health, social and economic emergency. And the impression that it was a soft but firm warning to return to reality and the true priorities of the country: a sort of last call to the governing parties to arrive at a political solution. If they fail, the Quirinale is ready to move quickly to the institutional government scheme: all solutions to be brought out anyway by the beginning of next week. Only a profound discontinuity can legitimize the survival of a coalition in which up to two days Conte and Renzi, with their respective tribes, swore never to return together. The indirect confirmation comes from the threat of breaking with the M5S, arrived yesterday from Alessandro Di Battista, and justified with the grill spin on Iv. the certification of a Movement in suffering for months, in which the radical minority found itself increasingly uncomfortable; and, incited by the fans of the premier, came to the mistaken belief that relations with Renzi would be closed forever.
And instead, yesterday evening the Movement’s rethinking took place, made official by the regent Vito Crimi after consultation with Mattarella: a gesture of disruptive realism for already very fragile internal balances; and an exorcism against the danger of rolling towards early elections. Paradoxically, if the bleeding of the nostalgic wing of grillism is limited, it could be an advantage: almost a rebound would favor the evolution of the Five Stars towards a less demagogic policy. And never mind if the side effect would be to offer Renzi greater bargaining power in a phase that remains confused and convulsive. On the other hand, even the former prime minister finds himself having to choose between a backtrack that would imply renewed and forced support for Conte, and a step forward towards new equilibrium. The solid no to a new executive of the outgoing premier, pronounced by the center-right, leaves the door ajar to an institutional government, should the situation become complicated. We move on the edge of chance, under the worried gaze of a Pd entangled in maneuvers that it undergoes. But time is running out quickly. Going to the polls with a pandemic that is still struggling to contain and a palpable social unease would be madness. But the shadow of a short circuit in the political system remains and thickens. It would be the mocking epilogue of the short populist epic.