It is not only out of superstition that the Pentapartite of the Ter (five “legs” for a third Count) should fear the curse of the Contract. Whether it is called a contract, or a Chrono-Program, or a Legislature Pact, if you prefer, Count I and Count II were already born like this, that is, badly. The first time, in 2018, the title page of Contract for the Government of Changeamong the yellow and green populists he even bore a form for the authentication of the signatures of “Luigi Di Maio, born in Avellino on 6 July 1986, Political Leader of the Cinquestelle Movement” and “Mr. Matteo Salvini, born in Milan on 9 March 1973 , Federal Secretary of the League ». It was composed of thirty very detailed points, it was intended to put the breeches on history, but the level of ambiguity was such that the phrase “we undertake to completely re-discuss the Tav project” according to Di Maio meant not doing it anymore, and for Salvini to do it immediately. We know how it ended.
But we must not forget that even the Giallorossi government today in crisis was born from a solemn written pact, this time between Di Maio and Zingaretti. More modestly, it contained only 29 points, one less. However, it was no less ambitious: it even contemplated the commitment to “fight agro-mafias”. Three months later the pandemic arrived, and reality dramatically mocked the politicians’ five-year plans (in the meantime, Renzi’s party was also born, which had not had time to sign the pact, but this was a decidedly minor disaster for the Count bis).
It would therefore be good to avoid the trio of the pact written on the water, or at least not to do it by 28 points, just to avoid that the cabal condemns it immediately to yet another short life. But there is also another reason for caution. The logic of the written and signed contract, a notarial deed that binds the parties, is a privatistic logic, perfectly suited to a businessman like Berlusconi, which in fact introduced it into Italian politics already in 2001; subscribing, however, not with the partners of his coalition but with the Italians and in the Vespa television lounge, since then with the bipolarity the voters chose the prime minister, and he could commit himself to a program with them (but even then coalition then “cut” many points of the contract, such as the drop in taxes). The para-commercial character of the Cavaliere’s move seemed on the left an offense to the tradition of mediation and compromise typical of democratic politics. We see that today even the children of anti-Berlusconi have changed their minds and converted to the contract. Of course, if you ask the parties involved in the negotiations with Fico, they will answer that they are moving in the wake of the noble tradition of German politics, which in times of the Grand Coalition always requires careful preliminary work to draft a «Koalitionsvertrag». But you overlook the fact that those are Germans, and this is not a Grand Coalition.
The Italian pact corresponds more to the philosophical approach illustrated to us by Vito Crimi, the regent of the Five Stars, when he said that all the points on which there is no majority should be removed from the table (like the Mes) so as to be able to make a majority. In any case, if the Conte ter really wants to have recourse to the Pact engraved on the marble, he will need a minister for the implementation of the program, so as to check its progress in time, moment by moment. You can choose between two experts: Giulio Santagata, who tried to keep track of the 281 pages of commitments of the Prodi government in 2006, shot down after only two years, or Gianfranco Rotondi, who did the same job for the Berlusconi government of 2008, for years it lasted three, and was overwhelmed by the sovereign debt crisis (curiously not included in the program).
January 31, 2021 (change January 31, 2021 | 22:44)
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