Draghi, on September 8 of the 5 Star Movement. Thus ends the government populism – Corriere.it

Emilio Carelli made the canary. Like those little birds that the miners took with them into the tunnel, and when they stopped singing it meant that the air was becoming unbreathable and it was time to escape, the farewell of the former anchorman at the M5S was the signal that the populism of government was ending. Also of asphyxiation, by the way. The Cinquestelle government did not die in the squares to defend the citizenship income, but in the Palazzo to defend the Catalfo, in the tangle of a melee for armchairs with Renzi, black belt of this martial art. The line “Conte o morte” soon became “Bonafede o morte”, then “Azzolina o morte”, and even “Arcuri o morte”, what the manager of Invitalia has to do with populism God only knows. Thus, in the fury of evoking death, it came about for lack of politics. Cruelty of history, or of the exploratory mandate, to certify it by a coroner named Roberto Fico.

The MoVimento, born in the name of the «vaffa», therefore had its 8th September whilehe shouted “stay” to the ministers, thus ending up obeying that “iron law of the oligarchies” which sooner or later makes all revolutionary parties bourgeois. Thus ends not populism, but its government. And perhaps also the very possibility, at least for this legislature, of a government populism. It is the surprising outcome of the umpteenth Italian-style political “revolution”, which began in the 2013 elections, and brought to completion with the taking of Palazzo Chigi on June 1, 2018. That day, on a splendid Roman afternoon, in the gardens of the Quirinale where the Republic Day was celebrated, dozens of new men, non shirtlessbut in a jacket, tie and clutch bag, convinced they can have an “Arab spring” in Italy, which would have sent home an entire ruling class.

It was a unique experiment on the Continent. A party came to power thathe did not belong to any European political family; who theorized never to ally with anyone, and then to ally with anyone, with the right or the left indifferently. A heterodirect party, given that whoever commanded it was outside Parliament; and virtual, since who controlled it was an algorithm (or presumed such). Most importantly, a party convinced that it can also free itself from the constraints of reality. This intoxication reached its peak a few months later, on the night of 28 September 2018, when from the balcony of Palazzo Chigi, in front of a cheering crowd made up of only Cinquestelle parliamentarians,Di Maio solemnly announced the “Abolition of Poverty” thanks to a unilateral overrun of 2.4% of deficit. Seventy days later, the yellow-green government had reached an agreement with Brussels to bring the deficit back to where Europe wanted, 2.4% became a modest 2.04%, and perhaps then the Europeanist turn of the grillini, the best thing they have done in these three years. The turning point culminated in the summer of Papeete: abandoned by the “sovereignist”, the “populists” found comfort in the alliance with the hated former Democratic Party, also called “Bibbiano’s party”. It was Renzi, incredible to say, who celebrated the wedding.

Perhaps the anomaly was too great to last. maybe the original defect ofa movement born against any power that wanted to gain power, he condemned the experiment of government populism to failure from the very beginning. Or maybe it was not said that it would end like this, and indeed their love affair with power is not even over yet. In the 2018 elections the M5S also changed anthropologically. The elected members guaranteed in the proportional system, militants who are passionate about Meet up but also lunatics and No vax, were joined by a new group of candidates in the colleges, of bourgeois extraction and ambition, in search of a social lift: associates who never became ordinary, primary non-promoted assistants , deputy heads of cabinet remained too long. After all, a possible ruling class; second row, of course, but potentially capable of maturing. Struggling with the government of the Republic and its institutions, young people like Di Maio and Fico, or like Patuanelli and Sileri, were doing their apprenticeship, they were experiencing the evolutionary leap that leads from an agitator to an administrator. They didn’t make it. Their government was wrecked, needless to do it on purpose, to defend the most governmental of all, that Count who, with an elegant waltz, had passed from the Captain to Zingaretti without batting an eye.

In 1796 a young French republican, Benjamin Constant, wrote a libretto with this subtitle: “On the need to get out of a revolution”. It was an ardent pamphlet, arguing that the best prospect, after the excesses of Terror, was that of “a return to politics, moderation, liberal development of institutions.” After all even the Cinquestelle today would need a Thermidor, to put an end to their Jacobin phase. For some of them, who managed to govern with both Salvini and Renzi, it shouldn’t be that difficult to govern with Draghi. At Di Maio, when he met him, the former ECB President had also made “a good impression”. But it would mean recognizing that Carelli is right. I don’t know if they will have the courage.

February 4, 2021 (change February 4, 2021 | 07:22)

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